In 1999, as in the previous year, the basic extremist movements were apparent in the Czech Republic:
1999 development underlined the apparent trends on the extremist scene in 1998 and 1997. The Czech extremist scene reached a qualitatively higher development stage in terms of organisation and activity concept, and it was more intensively involved in international structures; its manifestations were more striking. All phenomena recorded in the whole extremist spectrum in 1998 were valid also in 1999.11
Activation of the right-wing extremist spectrum was apparent in 1999. It represented itself outwardly by public appearances, protest marches, demonstrations and assemblies12. The registered Patriotic Front and National Alliance either headed such events together or their members took part in them.13 The aforementioned activation consisted in an apparently increasing effort to organise some events in Prague and obtain ”adequate” room for them here.14
Skinhead supporters who form the majority of right-wing extremists15 met also in 1999, most frequently at individual events (concerts, private parties, selected restaurants, etc.). In 1999, in addition to skinhead supporters, older persons whose organisations were led by university graduates, were also active. Nowadays,membership base is not only formed by skinhead supporters.
It should be stressed here that the majority of Czech skinheads are not organised and the cases of criminal offences, especially of a violent nature, committed by skinheads are mostly isolated actions of individuals who are not directly linked to the below mentioned organisations. However, the mentioned organisations are dangerous, since they form the base for the crimes of incitement of national and racial hatred.
The activity of neo-nazi groups in 1998 were marked by essential changes in tactics of former members or their supporters by applying foreign experience and accepting advise from more experienced right-wing extremists operating outside the skinhead environment.
The unregistered Blood&Honour Division Bohemia (B&H DB) played an important role in reforming this scene. As a consequence of successful intervention by the state bodies against this organisation in 1998 and 1999, its activity was considerably restrained. A range of so-called club activities under the auspices of this organisation (concerts and internal print-outs) is decreasing.
Some right-wing extremist scene leaders (former members of B&H DB) attempt to get the freed space under their control and endeavour to be duly registered with the Ministry of Interior as a civic association (in 1999 there were such organisations as Junge Nationaldemokraten or the National Resistance) or as political parties (in 1999, it was the attempt of the National Social Alliance).16
The unregistered National Resistance (NR) can be considered an organisation closely connected to B&H DB in terms of its activities, objectives and strategy (there are also some personnel links). Rather than skinhead concerts, this organisation arranged more frequent public demonstrations, manifestations and protest marches. Such events were duly reported to the relevant authorities by activists. Among the events which were organised by the National Resistance organisation in Prague, were the demonstrations ”For the Absolute Freedom of Speech” (March 1999), the manifestation held on Střelecký Island (May 1999) arranged in co-operation with the National Alliance and with participation of the Patriotic Front supporters, and finally the manifestation at náměstí Míru (Peace Square) to ”Commemorate the Last Victim of World War Two”, which took place on 21st August 1999 and where supporters of the National Alliance and Patriotic Front were present.17 The National Resistance members and supporters participated regularly in all demonstrations against NATO and European integration trends ingeneral.
In October (23rd October1999) and in November (20th November 1999) the sympathisers of the NR met in České Budějovice together with the Prague representatives of this organisation. The main reason for such a meeting was to try to found the National Resistance branch in České Budějovice.
The existence of several individuals (coming from Prague, Central Bohemia, Šumperk, Jeseník, Pilsen, and České Budějovice districts) should be mentioned in the connection with the neo-nazi scene. They maintain contacts with the top members of the terrorist organisation, Combat 18, in Great Britain.18 In the course of 1999, those individuals did not carry out any action in the Czech Republic. Establishment of a Combat 18 branch has not been confirmed yet in the Czech Republic. A similar situation applies to information on the establishment of militant organisations Anti-Antifa (the branch of a German organisation of the same name fighting against militant ”anti-fascists” from the left-wing extremist spectrum) and the Legion of Honour, which might operate near Zlín and organise exercises of militant neo-nazis there.
In 1999, the Bohemia Hammer Skins (BHS) organisation was only marginally apparent.
The sphere of organised fascist groups was also represented by the Movement for National Unity (MNU) in 1999. Currently, this organisation has several tens of members and supporters. In 1999, the nation-wide MNU congress was held in Prague, where the further direction and meaning of the organisation were discussed. The discussion resulted in maintaining close contacts with an international organisation - the International Third Position (ITP)19; the closest co-operation, with the Patriotic Front, was discussed as well.
has been, since 17th June 1993, a registered civic association pursuant Act No. 83/1990 Coll., on association of citizens.
The Patriotic Front came into existence in the ideological environment of the extreme right-wing part of the skinhead movement. The framework of which exceeded with the time period. In addition to regular club activities, the Patriotic Front strives to operate publicly by holding various demonstrations, concerts and similar assemblies, leaflets, through publishing a range of publications which are disseminated in the environment friendly to their ideas, or through its Internet web sites. The Patriotic Front published the journals, Obrana národa and Hlas národní mládeže.20 Thus this organisation participated in the formation of a ”hot-bed” of ideas for ethnical motivated violence. Unlike neo-nazi groups, the Patriotic Front is more anti-German and nationalistically oriented, which enables it to maintain purposeful contacts with extreme left-wing ”pan-Slavonic” groups. Within the organisation there is a stream of thoughts cognitive to activities similar to the Slav Committee or Czech Border-Land Club.21
The Patriotic Front is built up as a hierarchial structure. Its first Chairman was Jiří Fiedler from Brno who, in 1999, was replaced by Ing. Miroslav Knapovský, the original Chairman of the local Patriotic Front organisation in Ostrava.22
The registered seat of the Patriotic Front in the Czech Republic is Prague; the most significant organisations are in Prague, Ostrava, Kladno, Brno, Chrudim, České Budějovice, and Pardubice. The persons having experience from similar organisations or groups, become active representatives of PT local organisations.
The majority of members and supporters and young, nationalistically oriented young people rank or have ranked among skinheads. The total number of PF members is estimated to be 80 - 100 registered members. Each PF member pays annual membership contributions: employed members – CZK 100, unemployed members CZK 50.
Among foreign contacts maintained by the Patriotic Front, we can name the International Third Position (ITP), the Polish organisations Polska Wspólnota Narodowa and the Comprehensive Party of Slav and Friendly Nations. The former contacts of the Patriotic Front, including the French J. M. Le Pen’s Front National (FN), are currently restrained. However, the PF strives to restore and further develop such contacts.
Even though the Patriotic Front distances itself from neo-nazi organisations publicly, its supporters and members in the Czech Republic often participate in public events with the unregistered organisations, Blood & Honour DB and National Resistance, as well as with the registered National Alliance organisation.
The Patriotic Front is now trying to set up itself as a standard political entity which would unify similar nationalistic and fascist oriented groups.23 Inside the organisation, however, there are not uniformed views, since there are still personal links among the members to skinheads who do not unambiguously support the establishment of a public political scene.
The Patriotic Front representatives, as well as their supporters, essentially disagree with the existence of NATO and with the integration process into the European structures. They took part in all anti-NATO demonstrations which were held in 1999. In many ways, the Patriotic Front is closely connected with the pan-Slavonic movement as it is described below in this Chapter.
The most important event arranged by the Patriotic Front in 1999 was the manifestation held on in Prague 3, Vítkov Hill, on 28th October 1999. About 700 right-wing extremists participated in this – duly reported - manifestation. The relevant authorities, which had not been informed of the march through Prague, began to break it up. It was halted by the police on the outskirts of Žižkov.24
More and more, the Patriotic Front endeavours to conform its public presentation to its intent to transform its civic association into a political party. It is apparent that, after having founded such a political subject, an extreme right nationalistic political party could operate in the Czech Republic and it could, when having a relevant strategy, address quite a high number of voters. The existence and growth of such a right-wing extremist political party could negatively impact the foreign political interests in the Czech Republic.25
was registered with the Ministry of Interior on 26th October 1998 under Act No. 83/1990 coll., on associations of citizens. The registered seat of the bination-wide organisation is in Rakovník, where the founder and the principal representative of this association, Vladimír Skoupý, lives. The National Alliance, which Skoupý entered into as a former organiser of the concerts of fascist and one-Nazi bands, came into existence in a skinhead environment and still maintains numerous contacts with skinheads.
The membership of the National Alliance consists of about 130 registered members who joined the organisation mainly from other right-wing extremist groups. The National Alliance is quite successful in founding regional branches.
The first public event of the National Alliance was a protest march aimed against the current Government policy. It took place in Rakovník on 26th April 1999. Since then the National Alliance has very actively arranged a range of demonstrations and protest marches where they declared xenophobia and nationalism.
The National Alliance’s fundamental interest was to gather a broad membership base and public support to gradually transform it into a political party under the name the National Social Alliance26. To promote itself, the National Alliance began to publish in 1999 the journal called ”Vlajka” (i.e. Flag) with about 300 copies.27
In 1999, the National Alliance worked very actively and, although there was a competitive struggle between the National Alliance and the National Resistance for positions and supporters of B&H DB, co-operated with the Patriotic Front and the National Resistance. The activity was aimed at transforming itself into a political party. In the course of 1999, Rakovník remained one of the most important centres of right-wing extremist activities in the Czech Republic.28
The organisation, which represented a sort of ”legitimate” base of right-wing extremism in the Czech Republic in the past, was the parliamentary Association for the Republic – the Republican Party of Czechoslovakia-headed by Miroslav Sládek. Open propagation of extremist ideas, promotion of racism and xenophobia and obvious use of Czech historical fascism demagogy were apparent on the pages of Republika newspapers published by this party (as well as in other public speeches of the party representatives). Open sources expressed serious doubts on the basis of news relating to the internal democracy of this organisation. Co-operation with Le Pen and sympathies for Zirinovski were well-known. After the party was not elected to Parliament in 1998’s elections, there has been a particular radicalisation of a youth organisation related to this party, the ”Republican Youth”. In addition, this organisation entered into close contacts with open neo-fascists (common events organised with the Patriotic Front and National Alliance)30. It is interesting that one of its leaders, Tomáš Kebza, was prosecuted not only for verbal attacks, but directly for violent offences of an extremist nature (see cases 36 and 40, Chapter Prague in the second part of this report).
Apart from the aforementioned events, there was a number of other actions in Prague as well as in other regions of the Czech Republic. These were for example: a demonstration ”for peace in Yugoslavia”, against NATO, against globalisation, and also against the Government’s commisioner for human rights. Assemblies or demonstrations and protest marches of the right-wing extremist scene supporters were held e.g. in Central Bohemia (Rakovník), North Bohemia (Most, Litvínov, Chomutov), South Moravia (Jihlava), East Bohemia (Hradec Králové, Pardubice, Litomyšl) and North Moravia (Krnov, Ostrava).
Internationally visited concerts took place in Central Bohemia (Šanov and Senomaty, Rakovník district) and in North Moravia (Třinec-Nebory, Frýdek-Místek district). Music performances, mainly at so-called ”private parties” were monitored in West Bohemia (Chodov in Sokolov district) and South Moravia (Tvarožná Lhota in Hodonín district; Rymice and Zahnašovice in Kroměříž district).
The activities of right-wing extremists were, in 1999, marked by their effort to work in conditions of higher conspiracy. They provided each other with information on the phone, using mobile telephones extensively. They also set up P.O. Boxes for delivering printed materials. Prior the events, the participants had been instructed not to use symbols and cloth badges, which could evoke the promotion of fascism and they had been prevented from verbal attacks that would enable the intervention of the police. The links among distribution networks for printed materials, CDs, labels, badges etc. were ascertained in the whole territory of the Czech Republic. A lot of these materials originated in Slovakia. The transfer of the distribution of such materials to private parties was meant to make the detection of this kind of crime more difficult.31
The other organisations that were noted in 1999 by academic experts, which could have certain links to the right-wing extremist scene, were the National Castist Front, the National Patriotic Union and the Patriotic League. These organisations were talked about especially in connection with the possible support of integration efforts by the Patriotic Front. The state bodies, however, do not have any information available to include those organisations among the extremist ones (in the relevant period).
As a federation of autonomous and, in terms of ideology differently oriented fractions and groups, the CSAF does not have any central leadership but it possess a stable programme the framework of which is formed by social anarchy. This Federation is not registered with the Ministry of Interior. It has spread branches across the Czech Republic and maintains intensive international contacts especially with ”partners” from Germany, but also from Poland and Russia. It is not yet a member of the Internationale of Anarchist Federations IAF/IFA whose principles it acknowledges. It closely co-operates with an international radical anarchist structure known as People’s Global Action.32
Organisation of ”street parties” and demonstrations against fascism were among the principal activities of the CSAF in 1999. During such events, open violent conduct and confrontation with the state bodies occurred.
This unregistered organisation came into existence in autumn 1997 when the CAF congress (today’s CSAF) rejected the declaration of an anarcho-syndical fraction. This fraction therefore decided to present itself as an independent subject under the name the Federation of Social Anarchists. The FSA upholds a critical attitude towards the CSAF even though its members participated in almost all events organised by the CSAF. It demonstrates a radical attitude in the public. In 1999 FSA members moved their activities into the regions in the Czech Republic known to suffer from social problems. Because their aim is to establish independent anarchist trade unions, they have tried to operate among unemployed workers. The FSA closely co-operates with another anarchist organisation – the Anti-Fascist Action. On the other hand, it rejects any co-operation with trockists and communists.
The unregistered organisation – the AFA - was founded in 1996. The establishment of the AFA was inspired by existence of foreign, particularly German, AFA organisations. The groups on German anarcho-autonomous scene are considered to be the most militant of all. Their programme is, as they call it, anti-fascism. Favouring combat against fascism, they do not hesitate to seek out violent clashes with supporters of the skinhead movement. The AFA equals fascism and existing political-economic system.
After the restriction of their activities in 1997 – 1998 the AFA started to organise again at the beginning of 1999 and ranked among the most significant entities of the anarcho-autonomous scene. The AFA maintains intensive foreign contacts. In the summer of 1999, its representatives took part in the Antifa Summer Camp – near Berlin. German AFA members, on the contrary, participated in some anti-fascist anarchist events in the Czech Republic. At the end of 1999, the AFA congress was held in the Most district and concluded with the intention to build up quite a small, strictly selective and radical group with a broad range of supporters. The AFA congress declared that ”the existence of fascism is conditioned on the capitalist system and that is why the combat against such a system is perfectly legitimate”.
Mostly, groups with a low number of members co-operate with the above stated anarchist and autonomous associations. Such groups were established on the basis of various modifications to the anarcho-autonomous or trockist programmes. They mostly make themselves visible by participating in various anarchist events or by publishing their own journals. For example, a registered association - the Socialist Solidarity - ranks among the most important ones. This association operates mainly in socially weak regions. The group enforces the common aim with the FSA – to organise workers and unemployed people to strike against the current social order. A Moravian part of the anarcho-autonomous Solidarity organisation is becoming more active. Other such associations are e.g.: the ”workers’ educational club Future” or the Socialist Organisation of Workers (SOW) having close links to a formerly registered organisation – the Initiative against Racism (IAR) which appeared just once in 1999.34
As it was said in 1998, radicalisation of anarcho-autonomous movements also continued in 1999. To present their ideas and to criticise society, they arranged various kinds of demonstrations and protest events, which exceeded the officially permitted framework. During some events, the public peace was breached and criminal offences were committed.
Demonstrations, protest events and marches, which were held in many places in the Czech Republic (e.g. in Prague, but also in the cities of Rakovník, Pilsen, Most, Hradec Králové, Brno, Zlín, or Znojmo), placed an emphasis on the fight against globalisation and against NATO accession, the International Monetary Fund programmes and the top conference of the World Trade Organisation, national socialism, social class hate, xenophobia, racism, fascism and similar ideologies. Other kinds of demonstrations were aimed against the Shell company, the IDET fair and militarism, the war in Chechnya and the J.M. Le Pen visit. Yet, extremists demonstrated for drugs being legal, etc. There were also some events against police violence.
The activities of the anarcho-autonomous spectrum were concentrated mainly in Prague. Those events usually breached the peace to a certain extent.
Arranged concerts, which were held both in Prague and in individual regions, ranked among the activities of the anarcho-autonomous spectrum.
Street parties, which were most massive in Prague, were significant events led by the left wing.35 It is necessary to mention the third Street Party, which was held on 6th June 1999 in Těšnov in Prague 8 with the participation of 5,000 supporters of the anarcho-autonomous movement. It ended up as a march through Prague with demonstrators throwing stones that broke 7 windows of the US Embassy building. They attacked a Mc Donald’s in Mostecka Street and assaulted policemen in Vladislavova Street. Another, the fourth Street Party, took place on 18th June 1999 at Jungmann Square and the public peace was not breached.
Another event organised by supporters of the anarcho-autonomous movement that led to a breach of peace and unlawful conduct was the demonstration against an assembly of right-wing extremists on Střelecký Island. The police intervention brought up a general controversy about whether police intervention against anarcho-autonomous supporters is appropriate and adequate.
Militant approaches of the anarcho-autonomous were apparent also in other events. For example, on 13th March 30 young communists and the same number of anarcho-autonomous supporters tried to breach the peace during the representative army ball held at Prague Castle. Several supporters of anarcho-autonomous scene, during quite a peaceful demonstration, threw a smoke cartridge and a paving block while burning a US flag. On 28th October 1999 a demonstration which was not duly reported was held in Těšnov to protest against the demonstration organised by the National Alliance in Prague 3. There were about 3, 000 persons. Two smoke grenades were detected and near a Mc Donald’s and 5 burning bottles were found. One person held 2 firecrackers and 1 military smoke cartridge. In some cases, they sought out direct classes with skinheads.
was established on 22nd April 1995 at the Restoration Congress and afterwards registered with the Ministry of Interior. It is a political entity ideologically based on the Marxist-Leninist ideology which declares, in its internal documents, the goal to establish a proletariat dictatorship in the Czech Republic. Thus the PCC declares the establishment of a totalitarian system suppressing the human and civic rights and freedoms; a system which is not compatible with a plural democracy and a legal state conception (i.e. a law is superior to a state).
The break-up of the world socialist system headed by the U.S.S.R. is evaluated as a result of a plot by foreign intelligence services and traitors – former political representatives of the socialist countries. After-November development in Czechoslovakia and later in the Czech Republic is considered to be counter-revolutionary and high treason. After taking over political power, this party is ready to settle scores with all ”traitors and felons” without any compromise.37 In terms of ideology, the party places its emphasis on integral bolshevism and it makes all efforts to revise the negative appraisal of the personality of J. V. Stalin. The PCC endeavours to push itself through as the only authentic communist party and seeks to attract the prospective majority of citizens with communist views.38
Currently the PCC has created an organisational structure at the regional, district and local levels. There are approximately 3,000 members.39 In addition, the PCC has a certain range of supporters.
In 1999, the PCC was involved in the campaign against NATO and against NATO involvement in Yugoslavia. The PCC also declared its continuity with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, which, based on the illegitimacy of the communist regime, was declared to be a criminal and abominable organisation by Act No. 198/1993 Coll.. The General Secretary of the PCC Central Committee acknowledged such continuity at a press conference held on 4th December 1999, which was called at the end of 19th Congress of the Party. He also announced placing an application at the Ministry of Interior for the change of the name from the PCC to the CPCS.40 Many foreign guests who participated in this Congress reflect the PCC international contact development.
The PCC has contacts to similar foreign parties and organisations. Its foreign activities demonstrate an effort to integrate international neo-Bolshevik groups into one multinational structure and to co-ordinate its activities. At the same time, the PCC participates in the so-called pan-Slavonic movement.
Under the PCC North Moravian organisation, there is a radical group of young PCC members who operate under the name, the Communist Youth of Czechoslovakia.41 They do not have civic association status registered with the Ministry of Interior and from a formal point of view this organisation is not a part of the PCC (today CPCS) either. Yet, it works as its section for youth.
The characteristic features of these organisation members are impatient waiting for a ”revolutionary situation” and are inclined towards radical events. In their activities, CPCS members show a tendency towards militant manifestations when the demonstrative violence cannot be excluded. However, their events were not successful.42 The members of this organisation offered themselves as live shields for Yugoslavia and publish a militant journal, Pochodeň (”Torch”) where apart from other slogans included: ”Long live the next socialist revolution!” ”Long live the new February 1948!”
Support for the programme of ”pan-Slavonic mutuality ” is spreading among left-wing extremists of mainly neo-Bolshevik orientation. In their opinion, after the break-up of the socialist block, the countries with a predominantly Slavonic population are threatened in Central Europe by aggressive ”Germanisation” masked by an integration process of the NATO and EU accession. Thus, the Slavonic nations only have option to preserve their identity and independence – to contribute to the powerful position of Russia and integrate themselves into its sphere of influence.
On the basis of this historical and political interpretation of ”pan-Slavonic” orientation they assess positively ”the world socialist system headed by the Soviet Union” and communist regimes introduced in the Slavonic countries after the World War Two. On the contrary, they evaluate the current development in former socialist countries very negatively, they reject pluralistic democracy and the principles of the market economy, calling them capitalism directed and, in their opinion, against Slavonic interests. The national principle is superior to civic society and their attitudes include not only strong xenophobia and chauvinism, mainly in relation to the German nation, but also in some cases anti-Semitism. Very often, this is a well-thought tactic by neo-Bolshevik organisations on how to get a great part of the population in the Central European region under their political and powerful interests. Pan-Slavs with a neo-Bolshevik orientation suppose that, hand in hand with renewal of a powerful Russia, the communist regimes in former socialist countries will be restored or a similar totalitarian (communist) regime will be restored there.
The principal representative of ”Slavonic mutuality” is the International Slavonic Committee, the establishment of which was determined in 1998 in Prague at the Pan-Slavonic Congress. The Committee is supposed to co-ordinate the co-operation of national Slavonic committees.43 After the foundation of the Czech Slavonic Committee (CSC), formerly constituted left-wing organisations with a pan-Slavonic programme promoting the idea of pan-Slavonic mutuality began to loose their importance. Those organisations integrated into the CSC and participated in its activities (the Foundation of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, the Czech Borderland Club, the Patriotic Association of Anti-fascists, the Slavonic Union, and others).
Both the right-wing and left-wing spectrum of the Czech extremist scene maintain contacts with extremist organisations abroad.
Right-wing extremist groups maintain contacts mainly with neo-nazis from Germany. They visit each other, participate in common events held in both countries and exchange nazi promotional materials. However, they also have close contact with other foreign partners, such as skinheads and neo-nazis from Slovakia, Poland, Hungary and partially from Great Britain. Right-wing extremists from neighbouring countries have actively participated in the formation of the Czech right-wing extremist scene, supporting them ideologically and partially also financially.
The left-wing extremist spectrum maintains contact with groups abroad which have the same views. Anarcho-autonomous groups maintain close co-operation with similar groups e.g. in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain or Poland, while the neo-Bolshevik scene has contacts in the countries of the former Soviet Union, Latin America and last but not least, in a number of Asian countries, including the links to the official state structures. They gain experience everywhere in organising street fights and making use of gaps in the state administration. The leaders of the Czech left-wing extremists maintained, according to Czech police information, personal contacts and took on the practises and manners of foreign extremist groups. Some representatives of the left-wing extremist scene maintain contacts with Governmental structures in the Russian Federation.
The following are the contacts of the right-wing extremist scene in the individual regions:
With a range of sects and pseudo-religious organisations operating in the country, the situation in the Czech Republic was in no way different to that in other European countries. In 1999, as well as in 1998, no demonstrable crime by dangerous sects was recorded in the Czech Republic. In this field, the Czech authorities can make use of the information from abroad and take account of it in their approach.45 Despite that, it is essential to note the main potential threats to the state in connection with the existence of such organisations. In terms of intelligence services, sects could be dangerous if their activities act against the principles of the state. According to the police, a destructive sect is one whose proclamations and whose members’ actions are in conflict with criminal law. Among the most serious risks is the infiltration of state structures, including the armed forces, by members of pseudo-religious organisations. All over the world, they try to penetrate state structures with subversive objectives, or with the aim of acquiring know-how, or gaining positions which would allow them to use their influence to the benefit of a group to which they belong. A further risk is a religious group convinced of a mission it has to fulfil – their members may try to gain the corresponding technical knowledge in the armed forces or may use violent means against the armed forces as a symbol of the ”despised state”. Threats coming unexpectedly from small groups, which no one had previously recorded as potential threats, tend to be the most dangerous. Certain groups with beliefs related to the millennium represent a latent risk as they may suddenly use violence in order to bring about their prophecies.
Most sects however do not make themselves visible and establish their communities in seclusion, in remote areas. The security units are informed of such communities after the affected persons lodge complaints or on the basis of local and personal information.46 This is a very complicated issue, which is not uniformly tackled in European countries and is the subject of extensive discussions.
Terrorism is a violent method to threaten political opponents using threats and violence. With the help of terror they attempt to create extreme psychical pressure among individuals and groups of citizens.
Manifestations of terrorism are affected by an internal political situation and by a development in the international situation. Generally, the Czech extremist scene, as any other similar scene, is a classic risky environment for the emergence of politically oriented internal terrorist activities. The main potential risk here is the radicalisation of domestic extremist groups and their links to more militant foreign groups and their potential misuse by other organisations for their own purposes or interests.